Friday, September 12, 2025

Thucydides’ times and ours

All of my readers will no doubt have been following the horrific and heartbreaking news of the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk and its aftermath.  As those who follow me on Twitter/X know, I have had a lot to say about the matter there.  One of Twitter’s advantages over traditional blogging is that it is more conducive to running commentary on unfolding events.  But because some readers of this blog are not on Twitter, it seems appropriate to comment here as well.

When major and shocking events occur, there is, of course, a tendency for people to respond more emotionally than rationally, and to overinterpret their significance.  But it seems to me that two general points can safely be made about the current situation.

The first is that Kirk’s murder has vividly illustrated how dangerous and destructive of social order are the ideologies that have in recent decades come to have such a pervasive influence in academia and the culture more generally.  This is evident not only from the so-called “anti-fascist” motivations of the shooter, but the approval of this murder shown by a disturbing number of people on the left side of the political spectrum (the same people, it seems, who also lionized the murderer of United Healthcare CEO Brian Thompson). 

In an article at Postliberal Order last year, I argued that “woke” ideologies are, in spirit, essentially revivals of the toxic and antisocial Manichean heresy which, in various guises, occasionally spread like a pestilence through medieval Europe.  Much of the political violence we have seen in recent years, such as the riots of the summer of 2020 and the assassinations of Thompson and Kirk, illustrate just how dangerous these ideologies are.  Their influence within academia and the broader culture must be thoroughly extirpated, root and branch.

By no means do I deny that there are also serious problems on the right end of the political spectrum.  On the contrary, I have argued that Manichean tendencies can also be seen on the right, in, for example, the QAnon movement.  Some of the recent political violence has also come from the right, as in the case of the January 6 riot and the assassinations this June of Democratic Minnesota state legislator Melissa Hortman and her husband.  Right-wingers have also sometimes been guilty of ugly responses to violence against left-wingers, as in the case of the attack on Paul Pelosi.  In no way does this entail positing some “moral equivalence.”  Let the blame be parceled out in whatever unequal way you like – 60/40 or 70/30, say, instead of 50/50 – the fact is that there is bad behavior on both sides.

All the same, I would argue that the problem is more fundamentally on the left than on the right, because the cultural left more thoroughly dominates major institutions – academia, journalism, pop culture, and so forth.  This is why the moral and cultural center of gravity has in recent decades moved steadily leftward (as the decline of religious belief, traditional sexual morality, and the like illustrate).  The right has in some ways reacted badly to this, but precisely because it has been in a position of greater weakness and thus greater desperation.  Nor, in my view, does recent GOP electoral success show otherwise.  I would argue that that mainly reflects dissatisfaction with Democratic excess and incompetence rather than any revival of cultural conservatism.  Indeed, it occurred precisely as the GOP itself moved leftward on moral and cultural issues.

But this brings me to my second point, which is that as bad as things are for moral and religious conservatives, they are nevertheless not as bad as too many on the right pretend.  In the days since Charlie Kirk was murdered, many hotheads on social media have suggested that we are now essentially in a state of civil war and ought to respond accordingly.  This is foolish and dangerous talk, and not true to the facts.  In reality, despite the evil things too many “rank and file” left-wingers have been saying about Kirk’s assassination, most of the leading voices on the left have strongly denounced it, often in ways that show real human solidarity with their rivals on the right (some examples I’ve called attention to on Twitter being Bernie Sanders, Cenk Uygur, and Tim Robbins). 

Not only as a matter of justice and charity, but also for the good of the country and of one’s own soul, it is crucial not to fall into the trap of pretending that all people whose political views are contrary to one’s own are monsters, or that they otherwise basically all think alike.  Real life is more complicated than that.  It is crucial to acknowledge this reality, and to work with all men of good will to bring down the political temperature while this is still possible.  For as bad as things are now, an actual civil war, or any level of political violence approximating it, would be incalculably worse.

In recent months, the bitterness of current U.S. politics – and especially the stubborn insistence of too many on fighting ideology with counter-ideology, lawfare with counter-lawfare, and so on – has often brought to my mind Thucydides’ account of the civil war in Corcyra, in his History of the Peloponnesian War.  We have, thank God, not descended to the level of violence he describes.  But the mentality he describes, which led to that violence, is all too disturbingly evident.  I’ll end this post with some relevant passages, a warning from antiquity that we ignore at our peril:

Civil war ran through the cities… And they reversed the usual way of using words to evaluate what they did.  Ill-considered boldness was counted as loyal manliness; prudent hesitation was held to be cowardice in disguise, and moderation merely the cloak of an unmanly nature.  A mind that could grasp the good of the whole was considered wholly lazy.  Sudden fury was accepted as part of manly valor…  A man who expressed anger was always to be trusted, while one who opposed him was under suspicion...  In brief, a man was praised if he could commit some evil action before anyone else did, or if he could urge on another person who had never meant to do such a thing.

Family ties were not so close as those of the political parties, because party members would readily dare to do anything on the slightest pretext…  To take revenge was of higher value than never to have received injury...

Those who led their parties in the cities promoted their policies under decent-sounding names: “equality for the mass of citizens” on one side, and “moderate aristocracy” on the other.  And although they pretended to serve the public in their speeches, they actually treated it as the prize for their competition; and striving by whatever means to win, both sides ventured the most horrible outrages and exacted even greater revenge, without any regard for justice or the public good…  The citizens who remained in the middle were destroyed by both parties, partly because they would not side with them, and partly for envy that they might escape in this way.

Thus was every kind of wickedness afoot throughout all Greece by the occasion of civil wars...  People were sharply divided into opposing camps, and, without trust, their minds were in strong opposition.  No speech was so powerful, no oath so terrible, as to overcome this mutual hostility...  For the most part, those of weaker intelligence had the greatest success, since a sense of their own inferiority and the subtlety of their opponents put them into great fear that they would be overcome in debate or by schemes due to their enemies’ intelligence…

Those who attacked… primarily out of zeal for equality… were the most carried away by their undisciplined passion to commit savage and pitiless attacks…  Human nature, having become accustomed to violate justice and laws, now came to dominate law altogether, and showed itself with delight to be the slave of passion, the victor over justice, and the enemy of anyone superior.  Without the destructive voice of envy, you see, people would not value revenge over reverence, or profits over justice.  When they want revenge on others, people are determined first to destroy without a trace the laws that commonly govern such matters, though it is only because of these that anyone in trouble can hope to be saved.  (Book 3, Paul Woodruff translation, at pp. 139-43)

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