Yet
President Trump has this week indicated that the U.S. is joining the
conflict. He has said that
“we now have complete and total control of the skies over Iran,” and that “we
know exactly where the so-called ‘Supreme Leader’ is hiding… we are not going
to take him out (kill!), at least not for now.”
The “we” implies that the U.S. has already entered the war on Israel’s
side. He has said:
Iran should have signed the “deal” I told them to sign. What
a shame, and waste of human life. Simply stated, IRAN CAN NOT HAVE A NUCLEAR
WEAPON. I said it over and over again! Everyone should immediately evacuate
Tehran!
Taken at
face value, this indicates that the U.S. will participate in an attack that
will threaten the entire city of Tehran.
And he has
called for Iran’s “unconditional surrender.” Meanwhile, Israel is indicating
that regime change is among the aims of its war with Iran.
There are
two criteria of just war theory that the president is violating, at least if we
take his words at face value. First, for
a war to be just, it must be fought using only morally legitimate means. This
includes a prohibition on intentionally targeting civilians and civilian
infrastructure. To be sure, just war
theory allows that there can be cases where harm to civilians and civilian infrastructure
can be permissible, but only if (a) this is the foreseen but unintended
byproduct of an attack on military targets, and (b) the harm caused to
civilians and civilian infrastructure is not out of proportion to the good achieved
by destroying those military targets.
It is the
standard view among just war theorists that attacks such as the atomic bombings
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and the firebombing of Dresden, violated this
criterion of just war theory and thus were gravely immoral. They are manifestly immoral if the intention
was to kill and terrorize civilians. But
they were also immoral even if the intention was to damage military targets,
because the harm to civilians and civilian infrastructure was massively out of
proportion to the good achieved by attacking such military targets.
Now, for
President Trump to warn that “everyone should immediately evacuate Tehran”
indicates that the U.S. and Israel intend a bombing campaign that will cause
massive destruction to the city as a whole.
It is hard to see how that could be consistent with the just war
condition of using only morally legitimate means. This is true, by the way, even if (as is
unlikely) the nearly ten million people of Tehran could in fact be
evacuated. Civilian homes and other
property, and not just civilian lives, must, as far as reasonably possible, be
respected in a just war.
The call for
“unconditional surrender” is also highly problematic. As the Catholic philosopher Elizabeth
Anscombe said of Allied war demands during World War II in her famous essay “Mr.
Truman’s Degree”:
It was the insistence on unconditional surrender that was the
root of all evil. The connection between
such a demand and the need to use the most ferocious methods of warfare will be
obvious. And in itself the proposal of
an unlimited objective in war is stupid and barbarous.
When a
country tells an enemy’s government and citizens that it will settle for
nothing less than their surrender with no conditions at all – thereby putting
themselves entirely at their foes’ mercy – they are obviously bound to fight
more tenaciously and brutally, which will tempt the threatening country to
similarly brutal methods of warfare in response.
The second
criterion of just war theory most relevant to the present crisis is that in
order to be just, a military action must
not result in evils that are worse than the one being redressed. Now, as the history of the aftermath of the
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan shows, regime change in the Middle East is likely
to have catastrophic consequences for all concerned. Both of those conflicts resulted in years of
civil war, tens or even hundreds of thousands of casualties, and, in the case
of Afghanistan, a successor regime hostile to the U.S. As Sohrab Ahmari argues
this week at UnHerd, similar
chaos is bound to follow a collapse of the Iranian regime. Regime change thus seems too radical a war
aim. More limited measures, like those that
have for decades now kept Iran’s nuclear weapons program from succeeding, are
the most that can be justified.
As they routinely
do, Trump’s defenders may suggest that his words should not be taken at face
value, but interpreted as mere “trash talk” or perhaps as exercises in “thinking
out loud” rather than as final policy decisions. But this helps their case not at all. War is, needless to say, an enterprise of
enormous gravity, calling for maximum prudence and moral seriousness. Even speaking about the possibility must be
done with great caution. (Think of the
chaos that could follow upon trying quickly to evacuate a city of nearly ten
million people, even if there were no actual plan to bomb it.) A president who is instead prone to woolly thinking
and flippant speech about matters of war is a president whose judgment about
them cannot be trusted. (And as
I have argued elsewhere, he has already in other ways proven himself to
have unsound judgment about such things.)
It also
should not be forgotten that for Trump to bring the U.S. into a major new war
in the Middle East would be contrary to his own longstanding rhetoric. For example, in 2019 he said:
The United States has spent EIGHT TRILLION DOLLARS fighting
and policing in the Middle East. Thousands of our Great Soldiers have died or
been badly wounded. Millions of people have died on the other side. GOING INTO
THE MIDDLE EAST IS THE WORST DECISION EVER MADE.....
But then, contradictory
and reckless statements are par for the course with Trump. For example, Trump has portrayed himself as
pro-life, but then came
out in support of keeping abortion pills available and of federal funding
for IVF. He promised to bring prices
down, but has
pursued trade policies that are likely to make prices higher. His DOGE project was predicated on the need
to bring federal spending under control, but now he supports a bill that will
add another $3 trillion to the national debt.
And so on. His record is one that
can be characterized as unstable and unprincipled at best and shamelessly dishonest
at worst. This reinforces the conclusion
that his judgment on grave matters such as war cannot be trusted.
I conclude that Trump’s apparent plan to bring the U.S. into Israel’s war with Iran is not justifiable and that he ought to be resisted on this matter (as he ought to be on other matters, such as abortion and IVF).
Much of his MAGA base agrees that Trump should keep his hands off of Iran since no Americans have been attacked.
ReplyDeleteThere is evidence he can be persuaded by his supporters , for instance his flip-flop for exempting big Agriculture from ICE enforcement.
Time to keep the heat on while there is still time.
good post.
ReplyDeleteThe Iranian leadership view Israel as the little Satan and the U.S.A. as the great Satan. They have chanted death to America for decades. They want to destroy America and if they get a nuclear bomb there is a good chance that they will find a way eventually to hit America. Preventing that by destroying the underground nuclear site (apparently, the Israelis lack the bunker busters necessary to do this) does fit the criteria of just war theory.
ReplyDeleteShouldn't we address the question of whether Israel's action against Iran is moral according to just war theory?
ReplyDeleteI don't think we'd even be discussing bombing Iran if Israel had not attacked Iran.
With all due respect, I think Trump’s unprincipled foreign policy is his greatest asset. Unpredictably has been beneficial in that regard.
ReplyDeleteI would note that is entirely possible to urge Iranians to evacuate Iran wholesale despite an intent to only target military assets in Tehran and the evacuation could be merely to minimize collateral damage. I don’t know how close military assets are to residential areas, but that seems common in the Middle East.
I think all of your points are well-stated, but I think Trump should be given the benefit of the doubt for now. Reasonable minds can differ on the prudence of Trump’s tweets. He is not saying anything obviously immoral (like we will nuke Tehran if a deal is not made). As you said, his words seem to “indicate” such and such but they do not explicitly state such and such and can be interpreted more gently. I think Trump aptly plays his cards close to his chest.
I also agree that regime change is generally bad, but the current leaders in Iran cannot get much worse in terms of support of terrorism and hatred of Israel and America. I don’t think Trump wants to bog America down in a regime change war, but he also probably not lose much sleep if their regime topples.
Let’s let the man cook and see what happens.
"I think Trump should be given the benefit of the doubt for now."
DeleteSo the devoted Trumpites always say. "Give the man a chance." We do, it goes terribly, they conveniently forget, rinse, repeat. Definition of idiocy.
I don’t know about that. He is doing pretty well enforcing border policy. He has one of the best records on foreign policy. The tariff crises blew over pretty quickly. Even the spat with Elon Musk ended.
DeleteI think people need to realize they are working with limited information and not panic every time they see Trump do something that perfectly fits with their ideology.
It’s not as if he is actually acting like a Warhawk like previous Republicans and Democrats. He just isn’t acting like a total isolationist either. And that’s okay.
Ok MK
DeleteSaint Genesius of Rome (patron saint of clowns), pray for us!
ReplyDeleteIran has been at war with the US since 1979.
ReplyDeleteTo the "no Americans have been attacked"comment: The Iranian regime has been responsible either directly or indirectly for several attacks through the decades, including the Khobar towers bombing (19 US airmen killed, the US court found Iran liable for supporting Saudi Hezbollah) and the attack on the Erbil consulate (5 US servicemen killed by Iranian Al-Quds operatives); about a third of US casualties in Iraq have been attributed directly or indirectly to Tehran; the Beirut barracks in Lebanon; and so forth. And who was training, supplying weapons and targeting information to the Houthis when attacking the US Navy? (the following from the WSJ, just one example): "The USS Carney destroyer was in the Red Sea when the Houthis launched their first barrage of drones and missiles on Oct. 19, 2023, catching the sailors aboard off guard. By the end of the 10-hour engagement, the crew had endured the most intense combat a U.S. Navy warship had seen in the better part of a century, shooting down more than a dozen drones and four fast-flying cruise missiles."
No, we have not been at war with Iran since 1979. If we were at war starting on November 4 of that year, the war was brought to a close by the Algiers Accords of January 19, 1981, which was followed by the release of the hostages on January 20.
DeleteI agree with Prof. Feser on all the Just War arguments, but believe that the US is inextricably involved already, as are a great many other players, large and small. This video is very illuminating as context for this terrible conflict - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dG2A201_wDE
ReplyDeleteI agree with everything you say, Prof.
ReplyDeleteJust for clarification though unrelated to this,
If it has been determined that a particular civilian infrastructure like a mosque or a particular building is being used to carry out terrorist activities that have been the source of a lot of attacks on another country's soil, wouldn't that become a legitimate target, since in this case the nature of the infrastructure is decidedly terrorist even if it may be being used by civilians as cover. As such wouldn't it be ok to target this infrastructure albeit with a lot of precision. Does that make sense?
I am not saying that this is the situation in Iran but just in general, it seemed relevant.
Would appreciate your thoughts.
Cheers
Norm
Look, I have a high respect for the moral seriousness of the Catholic just war tradition, but I also know that philosophers and theologians usually aren't particularly well-informed on historical matters, and G. E. M. Anscombe is no exception. I'm not talking about her opposition to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; I don't really see how a Christian could support them. But blaming area bombing or atomic bombing on the Allied demand for unconditional surrender is pure historical ignorance. Notice that Japan's brutal occupation of East Asia (including the tens of millions killed in China) plays no role whatsoever in her analysis, and since for Anscombe (as for for so many others with grand opinions about WWII) China does not exist, the demand that Japan surrender unconditionally, forsaking its imperial claims on China, Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, etc., seems excessive. Nor does the Holocaust in relation to Nazi Germany get more than a passing mention. When dealing with a criminal regime that is actively perpetrating horrific crimes, it makes no sense to settle for anything less than justice (do police allow criminals to bargain out a shorter jail sentence as a condition for their arrest?). The claim that "When a country tells an enemy’s government and citizens that it will settle for nothing less than their surrender with no conditions at all... they are obviously bound to fight more tenaciously and brutally," was objective false in the German case outside a hard core of Nazi fanatics, and Japanese propaganda had already invented a fate worse than death in the event of Japanese defeat, and would have continued to invent imaginary stakes in order to keep the troops fighting. And, while the atomic bombings certainly helped pust Japan towards unconditional surrender (which, as it happens, wasn't actually unconditional), I've never seen any evidence that area bombing was part of a calculated plan to achieve unconditional surrender that would otherwise have never been resorted to; the British were doing it long before unconditional surrender was a feasible goal, and the Nazis (who were not interested in Britain's unconditional surrender, only its withdrawal from the war) had already resorted to it during the Blitz.
ReplyDeleteThis is all probably somewhat irrelevant to the point you're making here, and I think your analysis of the situation in 2025 is spot-on. But some historical myths need to die.
Thurible,
DeleteThat was a well argued and nuanced critique regarding unconditional surrender. Well worth considering.
There has been something that bothers me every time I read your posts though that distracts me.
Is that avatar Shaggy from Scooby Doo? And why "The Great Thurible of Darkness"?
It is precisely because of the just war theory that Iran should not have a nuclear weapon. That also goes for any number of unstable and warlike countries. No one, even our adversaries, wants a rogue nation loose with an atomic bomb. Bringing up the subject of Dresden, Hiroshima, etc. is irrelevant and simply clouds the issue. Final note. Ukraine was a responsible nation but they gave up nuclear weapons based on a promise that the bad guys would not honor and the good guys would not enforce.
DeleteA few points:
ReplyDelete• The senior Israeli officials – including Netanyahu – consistently declare that they are not aiming to topple the regime (whether they truly mean it or not – that is their consistent official stance).
• Even Israeli actors who are not seeking regime change – but only to neutralize the nuclear threat – understand that regime collapse as a result of attacks is a natural by-product (the fall of Syria following Hezbollah's defeat is a precedent for such a domino effect...). Even if Shorab isn’t particularly fond of that outcome – it may well be what’s going to happen anyway… (and in such a scenario, those who believe Iran is close to acquiring a bomb cannot fairly blame Israel for the political outcome; the blame lies first and foremost with the Iranians – and then with the recent Democratic administrations over the years, who tried to ‘appease’ Iran, remained agnostic regarding the nuclear issue, and pretended the Iranian regime had no imperialist jihadist ambitions, etc.)
• The justification of war is a highly complex issue that constantly requires moving between theory and application… Sometimes, it is only through application that one can discern a pathway to justifying an act of war. The exploration of such applicable paths is a matter of the highest moral importance, because otherwise we risk creating a human incentive system that encourages and rewards violence and injustice. Therefore, the question is not only whether there are scenarios that undermine the morality of war, but also whether there are scenarios that justify it.
• As things currently stand, there is a possible scenario that could justify a specific military action by the US – namely, the bombing of one central reactor that the Israelis likely cannot handle on their own. This scenario (like many war-related issues) is not clear-cut: on the one hand, it would (apparently) not harm civilians and would neutralize a nuclear bomb (an issue you yourself have acknowledged as important); on the other hand, it may very well be ‘the straw that breaks the camel’s back’ in terms of regime collapse – a matter that’s difficult to assess... But practically, this means there may be a scenario in which a particular act of war (targeting the last reactor) can be morally justified – and this scenario cannot be categorically dismissed (and from a certain natural law perspective, it might even be seen as a moral obligation…)
• Since a morally mistaken reading in the context of justified wars can itself lead to destructive moral outcomes, it may be worthwhile to qualify the claim somewhat. Alongside the question mark surrounding the justification of war, it’s important to note that even if a particular military action is justified under certain circumstances, it must still be carried out proportionally in all necessary aspects: with a legitimate aim, without significant civilian harm, ensuring the Americans are genuinely interested only in this specific action, and that they do not have broader strategic interests.
In any event, it is Israel rather than the U.S. that would be threatened by such acquisition, and Israel has proven quite capable of taking care of itself. There is no need for the U.S. to enter the war, and it is in neither the U.S.’s interests nor the interests of the rest of the region for it to do so.
DeleteThere is no reason to go further than this to object to the US taking any action if it is true. If Israel could not indeed take care of itself, then why did it start the conflict? Wouldn't that be violation of just war theory?
Yes. Barbarous and stupid. Saint Thomas Aquinas couldn't have defined the Trump administration better.
ReplyDeleteThe unpredictability factor is an interesting view. I am not convinced of its' usefulness. Iran seems genocidal in its' hatred towards Israel---I don't know if this is true of all Iranians. Whatever the American involvement in this war turns out to be, I would hope it is completely vetted by strategists who know the total ramifications.
ReplyDeleteTo me, involvement in the war ought to=congressional approval . I am told that is in the Constitution. This President has usurped a great deal of power, in my opinion. Legislators and the Judiciary are fully aware
of this. Inasmuch as Iran seems bent on genocide, Israel has the right of self-preservation, I think. Much of this goes back to ideology: Islamic and Jewish peoples just don't get along. To be fair, we might consider the notion that Israel is also bent on genocide. Or, maybe that is not being fair?
This argument seems a bit sloppy and rushed.
ReplyDeleteHmmmmph.
DeleteThank you, Dr. Feser. I agree completely. Fantastic post. It's is this kind of intelligent commentary that keeps me returning to your blog (and reading your books). You must be a workaholic, you're very prolific.
ReplyDeleteWhile I agree with most of this post by Professor Feser, I would raise one question that I do not think is mentioned.. The problem is that if the Iranians are pursuing a nuclear weapon and the major facilities are buried deep underground in a population center it seems conceivable that the destruction of this could meet the just war criteria even if loss of civilian life would ensue. This would depend on a host of contingent factors such as how close Iran was to obtaining a nuclear weapon, their intentions if they were to procure one ( although given the terrorist supporting activities of this regime in the past one could reasonably assume they are not merely defensive), and so forth. If destruction of these facilities was contemplated it seems like a warning to the civilian population might make sense ( again depending on whether or not more lives would be lost in the attack versus panicked attempt to evacuate. None of this is meant to justify Trump's rhetoric or apparent lack of careful thought about any of this. The point is more that if the United States is the only one with the capability to destroy deep underground nuclear sites, than a destruction of these sites may be justified depending on the degree of civilian harm and the accuracy of the information that such sites exist and can be destroyed.
ReplyDeleteI give Trump a lot of slack. So, for instance, I don't find his statement that Tehran should be evacuated to be particularly problematic on its own.
ReplyDeleteLet's say that there is a strong likelihood that bunker busters are going to be dropped by either Israel or the US to take out nuclear enrichment plants buried deep under specific spots in Iran. Even though this doesn't threaten the entire city, it would not be prudent for Trump to announce publicly ahead of time which exact locations are likely to be hit, and it would be prudent to let civilians know to get far away from the potential sites in general. It also puts more pressure on the Iranian regime to relent and makes it clear to them that Trump's ultimatums during negotiation are not idle, which is good in this context.
I similarly cut him slack on the "Big Beautiful Bill," which cuts spending relative to the baseline (that is, there would be more spending if it's not passed than if it is), and I think does so as much as possible in a reconciliation bill while still keeping his other promises (such as fixing our immigration crisis). The debt projections are partly based on assumptions about tax revenues that I believe to be incorrect.
However, I'm worried that the sum total of action and rhetoric by the Trump administration and Israel do seem to be moving in the direction of another regime change war, with little thought to how we would deal with the fallout of such an outcome. To the extent that this is the case, I do think it is important for people on the right to make loud and clear that such an outcome is not acceptable, which many sober MAGA-aligned minds are thankfully doing.
I would add that neither Israel nor the United States have provided any proof that this is a preemptive war instead of a preventative war. So far, I have not seen any evidence that Iran intends to use a nuclear weapon against Israel. Rather, Sr leadership (Tulsi Gabbard in March and JD Vance in May) has repeatedly said that Iran does not have a nuclear weapon and doubted that Iran intends to produce one.
ReplyDeletePoint of distinction: Aren't prevention and preemption roughly the same? Terms are tricky. Word salad needs the right sort of dressing. Just sayin'...
ReplyDeleteI would not be surprised if the majority of the Iranian people would like a regime change. Not all regime changes are bad. For example, the Poles, the Hungarians, and the Czechs are much better off now than they were under the domination of the U.S.S.R. A new regime in Iran that did not have a nuclear weapon or a desire to obtain one would almost certainly be an improvement for the entire Near East, not just Israel.
ReplyDeleteI find this basically persuasive.
ReplyDeleteI find the following a much more difficult question, though: the US enters the war to use its bunker busters to destroy a carefully targeted nuclear development site that Israel cannot destroy. The US then exits the war, with no further demands from Iran.
I'm no just war theorist, and maybe this violates something too. But it seems not to have the same problems described above.